Contribution
I rise in support of the Diego Garcia Military Base and British Indian Ocean Territory Bill. This Bill is not only timely, but essential for our national security, our international obligations and the strategic future of the United Kingdom.
To be clear, Diego Garcia is not just an isolated atoll in the Indian ocean, but one of the most geopolitically significant military outposts of the 21st century. It serves as a critical base for joint UK-US operations in a region fraught with instability from piracy off the horn of Africa, and given the growing threat of Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific. This Bill secures long-term operational certainty for our armed forces. It ensures our ability to meet NATO commitments, protect trade routes vital to the global economy and respond quickly to humanitarian crises across Asia and Africa. In a time of escalating global tensions everywhere from the South China sea to the Red sea, we cannot afford ambiguity when it comes to our defence infrastructure.
I have listened with concern to the arguments made by Opposition Members, some of whom appear more preoccupied with ideological purity than practical governance. Is it not strange that 85% of the negotiating rounds on the Diego Garcia deal took place under the Conservatives? They had access to the same legal advice, the same security briefings and the same threat assessments as we do. Only after leaving government and with no deal of their own did they begin playing politics with national security. Their sudden opposition is not principled; it is opportunistic and irresponsible. Opposition Members talk about international law and cite advisory opinions from the International Court of Justice as if they were binding judgments. Let us not forget, however, that sovereignty is not a matter of hashtags or press releases; it is a matter of law, treaties and responsibility.
The United Kingdom has administered the British Indian Ocean Territory for more than half a century, and we have done so in close co-ordination with our allies, especially the United States. Simply to walk away, as some have suggested, would be an act of geopolitical negligence. To those who argue that the base should be dismantled or handed over to another power under the banner of anti-colonialism, I say that they should be very careful for what they wish. If Britain and the United States vacate Diego Garcia, we would leave behind not a vacuum, but a prize, a strategic jewel, which would be swiftly eyed by authoritarian regimes that have little regard for human rights, international law or democratic principles.
Our responsibility is not to rewrite history by dismantling today’s defences, but to shape the future by ensuring that they remain strong, legitimate and effective. The Bill provides legal clarity and the operational authority for the continued use of Diego Garcia. It will strengthen the framework for oversight, introduce renewed commitments to environmental stewardship and, importantly, establish a pathway for dialogue with Chagossian representatives about resettlement and heritage—it is important that their voices are head and listened to. This is not a Bill that closes doors, but one that opens them, without compromising national and global security. Opposition for the sake of opposition is not leadership. Would the Opposition have us abandon a key, NATO-aligned military base to prove a point? Would they rather hand strategic influence in the Indian Ocean to those who undermine the international rules-based order?
Let me remind the House of the real threats in our world: cyber-attacks, terrorist attacks and networks, illegal arms trafficking and hostile naval activity. Diego Garcia is not some relic of the cold war; it is a strategic capability that we rely on today.