B

Baroness Brady (Con)

Speaking in the House of Lords on 15 January 2025

Debate

Football Governance Bill [HL]

Contribution

My Lords, Amendment 322 would enable scrutiny of backstop decisions through merits-based review by the Competition Appeal Tribunal. I will also speak to my consequential Amendments 324 to 326 and 333 to 335. Let me seek again to give noble Lords a picture of what I believe is at stake. The Premier League represents a remarkable British success story, yet the Bill introduces a mechanism that could unravel three decades of innovative ecosystem building in a single regulatory decision. Every few years, a regulator will be forced to make a binary choice between two competing visions for English football. One vision, that of the Premier League, seeks to preserve the delicate balance that has made it the best and most compelling league in the world. The other, explicitly stated by the EFL, aims to fundamentally restructure football’s finances and systems, describing key stability measures as “evil” and seeking their “eradication”. This is not some narrow funding dispute; what the Government may so far have failed to understand is that this is about the very architecture of English football. It could eliminate the financial scaffolding that enables newly promoted clubs to compete. It could destroy the stability mechanisms that give investors confidence to back ambitious Championship clubs. It could force smaller Premier League clubs to abandon investment and aspiration. This is why merit-based reviews matter profoundly. Under the Bill, even the most extreme regulatory decision could be challenged only on narrow procedural grounds. Let us think about what this means: a panel could select a proposal that devastated relegated clubs, and those clubs would have no meaningful right of appeal even if that decision threatened their very existence. The Competition Appeal Tribunal would offer a better solution. It brings expertise in complex economic matters and an understanding of how regulatory decisions ripple through competitive markets. Its oversight would drive better decision-making, ensure genuine fairness and protect the investment that makes English football thrive. This speaks to a broader principle: football is not a utility delivering water through pipes. It is a dynamic ecosystem where success depends on calibration of risk and reward, yet the Bill repeatedly treats football like a water company, relying on judicial review as the primary check on regulatory power—and we all know how well water regulation is going. This creates a fundamental mismatch. We are asking a regulator to make complex commercial decisions that could reshape our national game, yet we deny affected parties any meaningful right to challenge those decisions on their merits. This occurs throughout the Bill on all sorts of matters relating to ownership, financial regulation, licensing and stadia. Almost nothing, including this multi-billion pound decision about the distribution of the Premier League’s own revenue, is subject to merits-based reviews. Let me say again: I do not oppose regulation. These amendments are a limited attempt to ensure that regulation can operate fairly and sustainably. As I said earlier this evening, the Premier League has consistently demonstrated its commitment to the wider game through solidarity payments, infrastructure funds and community programmes that reach millions, to the tune of £1.6 billion every three years. During Covid, we ensured that no club went to the wall, but good stewardship is a two-way street, and this statutory regulator requires proper safeguards. Without merits-based review, we risk regulatory decisions that could inflict profound damage on the game we love. The backstop could become a weapon for levelling down, rather than building up, replacing aspiration with survival as the pinnacle of a club’s ambition. English football is at an important juncture with this Bill. Get it wrong and we risk something precious: not just the Premier League’s global success but the entire pyramid’s vitality. This amendment provides one —and only one—essential protection against regulatory overreach. There are plenty more needed, but I urge the Government and other noble Lords to support it.

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