Falkland Islands
Tuesday, 13 October 2026
Contributions
Madam Deputy Speaker (Ms Nusrat Ghani)Conservative
I remind the Minister that under paragraph 9.5 of the ministerial code, Opposition Front Benchers and the Speaker’s Office should be sent the text of a draft statement a minimum of 45 minutes beforehand. This statement was not received on time. I do not wish to suspend the House on a busy day, but it is regrettable that this important standard was not met in this instance.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs (Uma Kumaran)Labour
Madam Deputy Speaker, I apologise for the delayed submission. We respect the processes of this House, and I will ensure that that does not happen again. With permission, I will update the House on Argentina’s escalating campaign against individuals and companies in the United Kingdom and around the world that are involved in the lawful economic development of the Falkland Islands. Let me state from the outset that the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands are British. The United Kingdom has no doubt about its sovereignty over them and their surrounding maritime areas. As the Prime Minister told the House yesterday, in conversations at the UN General Assembly, he and President Trump discussed the islanders’ clear and declared will to remain British. The Prime Minister reiterated that message to the UN General Assembly. Let me repeat what he made clear to this House yesterday: “we will also always do whatever it takes to uphold” —[ Official Report , 12 October 2026; Vol. 791, c. 24.] the will of the Falkland Islanders. The Foreign Secretary and I have reiterated this Government’s commitment to the Falkland Islanders’ right to determine their own political and economic future and livelihoods. I made that point very clear in my public statement, which was published online on 30 September, and in my subsequent meetings with members of the Legislative Assembly. I welcome Jack Ford, Chair of the Falkland Islands Legislative Assembly, to the Gallery today; I know that the whole House will want to show him and the Falkland Islanders our full support. In recent weeks, we have heard inflammatory remarks from President Milei at the UN General Assembly and increasingly aggressive public statements from the Argentine Foreign Minister. The Argentine Government have threatened sanctions and warned that they will pursue criminal measures against businesses and individuals connected directly and indirectly to the Sea Lion project. The Sea Lion field lies on the Falkland Islands continental shelf. The project is lawful and regulated by the democratically elected Falkland Islands Government. Argentina has no jurisdiction over it. Let me be absolutely clear: this Government will not stand by while Argentina uses economic coercion against the people of the Falkland Islands. We will do whatever it takes to support them. What is particularly disappointing about this is President Milei’s brazen attempt to use the people of the Falkland Islands as some sort of political prop ahead of Argentina’s elections next year. We will not allow the Falkland Islanders to be used as a tool of Argentine domestic politics. The Government of the United Kingdom are responding in four ways. First, we have confronted Argentina directly. On 17 September, the Minister for Latin America, my hon. Friend the Member for Bridgend (Chris Elmore), made clear our position to the Argentine ambassador and rejected the attempted application of Argentine law to the Falkland Islands. He also reaffirmed the islanders’ right to develop their natural resources. Our message is unequivocal: the measures announced by President Milei on 3 September, threatening companies and individuals for lawful commercial decisions, are economic coercion. They will not change the United Kingdom’s position or weaken our commitment to the rights and wishes of the Falkland Islanders, nor will they halt lawful economic activity. We will respond firmly and promptly to Argentine threats to apply measures beyond Argentina’s jurisdiction, which are intended to frighten businesses. Such conduct damages legal certainty and confidence in Argentina as a reliable economic partner. Secondly, the Government are engaging with affected businesses to understand their concerns and make clear the Government’s position. The Department for Business, Innovation, Science and Trade, working closely with the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, is having regular discussions with the Sea Lion operator and its supporting supply chain. Our message is straightforward: legitimate commercial activity in the Falkland Islands remains lawful, and the British Government stand behind those engaged in it. We are also speaking to wider UK business interests to explain the Government’s position and understand the potential consequences of Argentina’s actions. Thirdly, I can confirm that the Business Secretary will, subject to the necessary parliamentary protocols, deploy the powers available to him under the protection of trading interests legislation against any Argentine measures that seek to influence or regulate lawful activity beyond Argentine jurisdiction. These steps will provide additional protection for UK businesses against attempts to compel them to comply with measures that Argentina is trying to enforce outside its jurisdiction. They will also demonstrate that the Government are prepared to use the available tools to defend lawful British commercial activity. We will continue to talk to businesses as the situation develops to understand how best to support their operations. Let me emphasise that this action responds to Argentina’s attempted extraterritorial application of its domestic measures. Fourthly, we are mobilising international partners. Our diplomatic network, acting on the instruction of the Foreign Secretary, is engaging to set out what Argentina’s conduct means for international businesses, secure supply chains and predictable global commerce. We are engaging G7 and G20 partners and Governments across Europe, the Americas and beyond. We urge countries that value open markets, legal certainty and stable trading relationships to stand against the intimidation of companies undertaking lawful business. Finally, I say to this House, and the Government of Argentina, that the United Kingdom will prepare additional measures if this situation persists. They will be legal, proportionate and, let me assure the House, robust. The United Kingdom never sought this confrontation with the Argentinian Government, and less so with the Argentinian people. We do not want to see wider implications for our two countries. Let us not forget the reconciliation and progress we have seen since the events of 1982. Next year, we will mark 45 years since British forces liberated the Falkland Islands. For some of those veterans who fought in that conflict, this may be one of the last major anniversaries they see. To mark the occasion, celebrate the liberation and remember all those who paid the ultimate price for the freedom of the Falkland Islands—they should never be forgotten—today I can announce that the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, in partnership with the Ministry of Defence, will support commemorations on the islands and here in the United Kingdom. There should be no doubt that the Government will defend the Falkland Islanders from bullying and threats, and defend their right to self-determination. Every part of this response is being developed in close co-ordination with the democratically elected Falkland Islands Government. The islanders’ interests and wishes remain at its heart. The principle at stake is simple: the Falkland Islanders have the right to determine their own future. In the 2013 referendum, 99.8% of those voting, on a turnout of 92%, chose for the Falkland Islands to remain a British overseas territory. Their wishes could not have been clearer. The United Kingdom will remain open to dialogue and practical co-operation with Argentina, where that benefits both countries and our peoples. [ Interruption. ] The right hon. Member for Rayleigh and Wickford (Mr Francois) would do well to listen to my statement. Progress must rest on international law and respect for the rights and wishes of the Falkland Islanders. Firmness in defending those principles is entirely consistent with keeping the door open to diplomacy and dialogue. On 28 September, the Government of Argentina formally notified the United Kingdom that they were commencing arbitration proceedings under annex VII of the United Nations convention on the law of the sea, or UNCLOS. Argentina demanded that the United Kingdom prevent hydrocarbon activity in the North Falkland basin in relation to the Sea Lion project. Argentina threatened to seek provisional measures from the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. I can confirm that the UK Government’s intention is to engage with this process; that is consistent with our long-standing position in respect of international courts and tribunals. On Sunday 11 October, the British embassy in Buenos Aires delivered our formal response to Argentina’s notification. That response sets out clearly the United Kingdom’s position. The House will understand that while legal proceedings are contemplated or under way, I will not provide a running commentary, but I assure Members that we will defend the interests of the Falkland Islanders and the United Kingdom robustly. At the same time, I want to be clear about what Argentina’s action does not do. Its notification does not constitute a judgment by an international court or tribunal. It does not invalidate licences issued by the Falkland Islands Government. It does not alter the islands’ regulatory authority, and it does not require lawful activity on hydrocarbons development to cease. His Majesty’s Government stand shoulder to shoulder with the Falkland Islanders. We are in no doubt about their sovereignty. We will defend their security, their livelihoods and their right to determine their own future, while remaining ready to resolve differences with Argentina through diplomacy, dialogue and international law. The United Kingdom’s resolve is absolute. I commend this statement to the House.
I call the shadow Minister.
Wendy Morton (Aldridge-Brownhills) (Con)Conservative
I thank the Minister for advance sight of her statement, though it was somewhat belated. Let me start by welcoming Jack Ford, Chair of the Falkland Islands Legislative Assembly, to the Gallery. Yesterday marked 44 years since the Falklands Task Force victory parade, in which more than 300,000 people lined London’s streets to honour those who liberated the islands. Their sacrifice reminds us of our enduring responsibility to defend the Falkland Islanders’ freedom and right to self-determination. Argentina’s increasingly hostile rhetoric and threats towards the islands, their people and their economic interests are wholly unacceptable. The islanders have overwhelmingly expressed their wish to remain British. No amount of intimidation or economic coercion from Buenos Aires will change that. The Falkland Islanders deserve more than words of reassurance. They deserve to know that the British Government will stand firmly behind them, protect their interests and defend their right to determine their own future, so I welcome reports that the Foreign Secretary has signed off on the next steps for Sea Lion. The islanders have every right to develop their natural resources, but I am a little perplexed, because in Energy questions today, Ministers suggested that this was not a decision for the British Government. Can the Minister clarify the Foreign Secretary’s role, precisely what he has authorised, and whether further decisions are required? In fact, was the Energy Secretary even consulted? If the Foreign Secretary can support Sea Lion in the south Atlantic, why are the Government still leaving Rosebank and Jackdaw in the North sea waiting? But back to the Falkland Islands. We welcome the measures outlined today, but approval alone will not protect those involved from Argentina’s threats. British nationals and businesses operating under licences issued by the Falkland Islands Government should not face intimidation or threats of legal action. There are some questions that need answers and clarity today. The Minister has announced the Government’s intention to extend the protection of trading interests measures to cover Argentina. What will that mean in practice for companies and individuals facing Argentine legal action, and what risks will remain? Can she confirm reports that the Government have approached Interpol, and what assurances have they received that politically motivated requests will be rejected? Has the FCDO sought assurances from international partners that British citizens will not face arrest or detention when travelling abroad? What practical legal, consular and travel support is being offered to those affected, and how will the Government help companies to resist attempts to disrupt the project’s financing and supply chains? What direct support is being provided to the Falkland Islands Government to ensure that development can proceed without interference, because alongside these protections, there must be consequences if Argentina continues to escalate its threats? Has the Minister examined targeted sanctions, or other proportionate diplomatic and economic restrictions? That must also inform our wider economic relationship. President Milei cannot simultaneously threaten British interests while expecting Britain to facilitate closer economic co-operation. Argentina has applied to join the comprehensive and progressive agreement for trans-Pacific partnership. The shadow Foreign Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Tonbridge (Tom Tugendhat), has made clear that Britain should be prepared to oppose that application if Argentina continues to threaten peace and stability in the south Atlantic. Are the Government prepared to use Britain’s position in the CPTPP to make it clear that such behaviour carries consequences? These developments underline a wider point about Britain’s standing in the world. When Britain appears unwilling or unable to defend its interests, it risks encouraging those who would seek to challenge them. That is why we Opposition Members are committed to fully costed plans to increase defence spending to 3% of GDP by 2030. What discussions has the Minister had with the Defence Secretary about the resilience of Britain’s military presence in the south Atlantic, and are any additional measures being considered? Britain must bring together its diplomatic, economic and military strength to defend its interests and stand up to those who seek to intimidate us. Argentina should be working to strengthen its own economy, rather than threatening the livelihoods of the Falkland Islanders. There can be no question of bargaining away their democratic rights or their future. I will end where I began: the Falkland Islanders have chosen to remain British. We on the Opposition Benches will always stand with them and defend their fundamental right to self-determination.
I thank the right hon. Lady for the important points she has raised. I will take some of them in turn. Let me be clear, as the Prime Minister was in the House yesterday, that this Government will defend the Falkland Islanders’ right to self-determination relentlessly. The Falkland Islands are a British overseas territory, and will remain so for as long as the islanders wish. We have made it clear to Argentina that attempts to obstruct lawful economic activity in the Falkland Islands are not an act of responsible international engagement. They damage legal certainty and raise serious questions about Argentina’s reliability as an economic partner. The right hon. Member asked questions about PTI and CPTPP. We do not speculate on possible future sanctions or designations, but we will continue to consider all appropriate measures, in accordance with our legal framework and wider policy objectives. The UK does not comment publicly on CPTPP accession discussions. Our focus now is on the merit of an application, to maintain the strongest agreement, though Argentina’s behaviour does raise very serious questions about its reliability as a partner for the United Kingdom. On the question of UNCLOS, the House will understand that while legal proceedings are contemplated or under way, I will not provide a running commentary. On defence readiness, the Ministry of Defence is confident that our military presence is at the appropriate level to defend the islands, and that posture is kept under constant review. Indeed, I have had conversations with the Minister for Defence Readiness and Industry, who is present today. Since 1982, the United Kingdom has maintained a continuous military presence on and around the Falkland Islands. HMS Medway is currently patrolling the south Atlantic. The current tranche 1 Typhoons will be replaced with more modern tranche 2 aircraft in 2027, alongside significant investment to ensure that the Typhoon remains at the cutting edge of capability. Those conversations are ongoing. In relation to climate and natural resources, the shadow Minister will understand the core tenet of self-determination and the need to ensure that the Falkland Islanders themselves and their Government can make decisions to do with their natural resources. Finally, on the question of what we are doing to give businesses assurance, the Government continue to support businesses affected by Argentina’s actions. We are engaging closely with companies involved in the Sea Lion project and its supporting supply chain. My message to those companies is straightforward: their activity is lawful, and the British Government stand unequivocally behind them. As I set out in my statement, the Business Secretary is prepared, subject to the necessary parliamentary processes, to deploy powers under the protection of trading interests legislation against any Argentine measures that seek to influence or regulate lawful activity taking place outside Argentine jurisdiction. The process is straightforward and would provide additional protection to UK businesses facing pressure as a result of Argentina’s actions. This House has long had a consensus that we stand together with the people of the Falkland Islands, who, as we all know, are feeling quite scared about these measures. They are feeling very uncertain about their future. It is our job as a Parliament to stand together— [ Interruption. ] I have met and spoken with a number of Falkland Islanders; they are very worried, and they are scared. It is our job to offer them reassurance, stand together and show them that the United Kingdom stands full sail behind them.
Rachel Taylor (North Warwickshire and Bedworth) (Lab)Labour
I welcome the Minister to her place. My constituents will be really pleased to hear her announcements on the commemoration events, and I look forward to taking part in those in my constituency. Does she agree that the action we are taking today is a clear indication of this Labour Government’s position that if Argentina continues to threaten the Falkland Islanders’ right to self-determination, we will prepare additional measures, no matter what threats or economic coercion Argentina carries out against the Falkland Islanders?
I thank my hon. Friend for that question; I know she has spoken passionately about these matters. Let me be very clear: the United Kingdom Government will continue to do all that is necessary to protect the Falkland Islanders and the Government of the Falkland Islands. As I said, next year is the 45th anniversary of the conflict. We in the FCDO are very much looking forward to working with the Ministry of Defence on the commemoration and celebratory events around Falkland 45.
I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.
Dr Al Pinkerton (Surrey Heath) (LD)Liberal Democrat
I welcome the Government’s commitment to Falkland Islands sovereignty and the islanders’ right to self-determination. In the light of President Milei’s escalating campaign, I think a little history may be in order. The Falkland Islands were first sighted by English navigators in 1592, claimed by Britain in 1765 and continuously settled since 1833, and some Falkland Islands families can trace their roots back nine or even 10 generations. Of course, there is a particular irony in Argentina’s claims of colonial injustice. Of the two countries in this dispute, it was only Argentina that systematically dispossessed indigenous peoples of their homes and homelands. Argentina’s sovereignty claim rests substantially on its asserted inheritance of the Spanish empire, whose imperial ambitions were sanctioned by a 15th-century Pope and the treaty of Tordesillas. The colonial history is rather more complicated than the Government of Argentina perhaps like to acknowledge or remember, which is precisely why self-determination matters so much. In 2013, I was in Stanley to witness the referendum in which 99.8% of islanders voted to remain British. They spoke for themselves as a self-governing, self-determining, distinct and identifiable people, yet President Milei now seeks to use UNCLOS arbitration to deny the islanders of economic sovereignty and the right to shape their own future. That is neo-colonialism dressed up as anti-colonialism. I have three questions for the Minister. Will Britain challenge any attempt to use UNCLOS to determine territorial sovereignty? If she is not willing to give an express account of the CPTPP negotiations, can she at least acknowledge that the Auckland principles that underpin the CPTPP are inconsistent with Argentina’s desire to undermine the islanders’ right to develop their own economy? Finally, what concrete measures will this Government take to ensure that Argentina’s threats do not deter investment in the islands?
The hon. Member knows a lot about this matter; indeed, I believe he is a professor who specialises in some of these areas, so I thank him for the brief history lesson that he has treated us to today. The answer to his question on UNCLOS is yes. On CPTPP, we expect good practices from all our international partners. I have made very clear our expectations of the Government of Argentina, and how they are behaving at the moment is not in line with what we would expect. On the third point, we are expecting all partners to get around the table. Diplomacy and dialogue remain a very important part of moving this forward. We have been very clear that we will engage with this process in full. On diplomacy, dialogue and matters of international law, the United Kingdom will play its full part.
Al Carns (Birmingham Selly Oak) (Lab)Labour
I thank the Minister for her support for the upcoming 45th anniversary of some pretty heroic action from the UK armed forces—it involved Buster Brown, who took me through marine training many, many years ago. Does she agree that the UK Government will not cower in any way, shape or form or be intimidated by any aggressive or threatening language from Argentina?
I thank my hon. and gallant Friend for that question. The answer is an unequivocal yes.
Paul Holmes (Hamble Valley) (Con)Conservative
I declare an interest: I visited the Falklands a number of months ago as a trustee of the armed forces parliamentary scheme. I welcome the Minister to her position, and I entirely endorse the sentiment of her statement, which maintains that the Falklands must remain British. I welcome the Chair of the Legislative Assembly to the Gallery today. We must match diplomacy with military deterrence. When I visited the islands, I was most concerned that permanent refuelling capability for our military assets there was based elsewhere. I do not expect the Minister to give a detailed answer—although I see that the Minister for Defence Readiness and Industry is next to her—but can she ensure that permanent refuelling capability for the Typhoons is put back on the islands if it has not been already?
I thank the hon. Gentleman for that important question. You could see the Defence Minister explaining to me that he will have some conversations with you about that. We do not comment on operational matters, but we are moving our capabilities and assets in the area.
Order. I remind the Minister and all colleagues that they should not say “you” and “your”. They must speak through the Chair. I was not responsible for the question.
Dan Carden (Liverpool Walton) (Lab)Labour
I spent an hour with one of my constituents, James, last week, who was shot in the face in the Falklands war, and I have met him many times to work on these issues in recent months. I welcome Jack Ford, who is in the Gallery, and I give my fullest, strongest backing to what the Minister has said today. I want to raise two things. First, how are discussions with our allies in the Latin American region—Uruguay and Chile in particular—going, and will the Minister ensure that they are a focus of the talks she is having? Secondly, I want to say this as gently as possible, but we must find a way to assert our sovereignty against what are often spurious claims against us in international courts that basically allow our foes to challenge sovereignty. We have seen it recently, and we are seeing it again now.
My hon. Friend has spent many years engaged in these matters. On conversations with partners in LATAM, my hon. Friend the Minister with responsibility for LATAM is in regular discussion with friends and allies in the region. They are important partners on this matter, particularly in providing support for the Falkland Islands. On the matter of sovereignty, the United Kingdom Government are in no doubt about the sovereignty of the Falkland Islanders and we will follow their wish at every turn.
I call Sarah Pochin—you look like you are in pain.
Sarah Pochin (Runcorn and Helsby) (Reform)Reform UK
Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. While we in Reform welcome the Minister’s commitment to allowing the Falkland Islanders to determine their own governance, can she confirm that as a nation we would be in a position militarily to defend the Falkland Islands if ever called on to do so by the Falkland Islanders, when we could not even get a single warship to the strait of Hormuz?
The direct answer to the hon. Lady’s question is yes.
Dr Luke Evans (Hinckley and Bosworth) (Con)Conservative
The Minister was asked specifically about what the Foreign Secretary had signed off, so will she confirm who granted consent under the Offshore Minerals Ordinance 1994? What does she say to the people of Aberdeen who have been told that they cannot drill in order to protect against global climate change, while 8,000 miles away we can drill? That is incongruent and does not make sense.
I remind the hon. Gentleman that this is a very different situation. The UK oil and gas licensing policy does not apply in the Falkland Islands. I have made it very clear that the Falkland Islanders’ right to develop their natural resources is in line with their self-determination. When deciding whether to grant consent for new hydrocarbon licences in the Falkland Islands, the Secretary of State acts in accordance with the applicable Falkland Islands legislation. We do not comment on individual licences. I am surprised that the hon. Gentleman is attempting to bring domestic politics into a matter on which this House has long had consensus—the sovereignty and self-determination rights of the Falkland Islanders.
Edward Morello (West Dorset) (LD)Liberal Democrat
I welcome the Minister to her place. I also welcome her restating Britain’s commitment to the fact that the Falkland Islands are British as long as the people of the Falklands wish to remain so. The Minister has said that Argentina has threatened to seek provisional measures through the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. President Trump, an ally of the Argentinian President, has spoken in support of Argentina’s claim and has recently sanctioned the International Criminal Court. What are the Government doing to ensure that no pressure is brought to bear on international tribunals and that the rule of law is protected?
I thank the hon. Member for his important question. As the Prime Minister told the House yesterday and the UN General Assembly in New York, the Falkland Islands were a matter of discussion with President Trump, and the clear and declared will of the Falkland Islanders to remain British was part of that conversation. The United States is our closest ally. We talk to it about a range of issues. This remains one of the issues that we talk about. Our officials remain in constant communication on matters to do with the international law and courts. We are in constant discussion on this matter and I can write to him further if he would like a fuller answer.
Mark Pritchard (The Wrekin) (Con)Conservative
António Guterres, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, will retire in December. One of the leading candidates to replace him is a senior Argentinian ambassador, Rafael Grossi. Is it the UK’s position that it is supporting the Argentinians in seeking this important role? If not, does the Minister agree that the Costa Rican and the two Ecuadorian candidates should also be disqualified should they have made public statements supporting Argentina’s claim to the Falkland Islands?
The right hon. Gentleman asks a pertinent question, but he will know that the UK Government do not comment on UNSG processes from the Dispatch Box.
Ayoub Khan (Birmingham Perry Barr) (Ind)Independent
Our overseas territory, which voted to remain British and where our brave troops fought and died for the Falkland Islanders’ right to self-determination, is once again being put in jeopardy because a warmongering Argentinian Government are seeking to rally their base to hide their domestic failures and failing economy. Many international companies are being deterred from investing in that region because of the noise that has been created. What more can this Government do to ensure that international companies that want to invest can do so with confidence?
I assure the hon. Member that matters of sovereignty are not in jeopardy. I have been very clear in my statement today that the United Kingdom stands resolute behind the Falkland Islanders. Conversations with businesses are ongoing and letters of comfort have been issued to businesses where we deem it necessary that they receive those letters.
Kit Malthouse (North West Hampshire) (Con)Conservative
As I am sure the Minister is aware, as well as applying to join the CPTPP, the Argentinians are in the final stage of accession to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Membership of that organisation brings with it significant benefits in terms of the risk premium attached to national debt, which could be worth hundreds of millions of dollars—if not billions—to Argentina. However, membership requires consensus from existing members that a country is allowed to join. Does the Minister agree that the conduct of Argentina in this regard is unlikely to engender the kind of consensus needed for it to accede to the OECD?
I thank the right hon. Member for his eloquent question. We will continue to consider all options. Indeed, I have been clear in my statement that the behaviour of the Argentine Government is not what we would expect. I hope that they will reflect on that.
Dr Andrew Murrison (South West Wiltshire) (Con)Conservative
Is it any surprise that President Milei cited the United Nations convention on the law of the sea annex VII in defence of his claim in relation to the sea lion field, when this Government are using article 298 to defend their position in relation to the Chagos islands? On the subject of UNCLOS, will the Minister use its strictures regarding freedom of navigation to ensure any thoughts that Argentina might have of frustrating the upcoming sea route between Punta Arenas and Stanley are given short shrift?
The House will understand that while legal proceedings are contemplated or under way, I will not provide a running commentary. The UK’s established position is that provisional measures ordered under the applicable international legal framework are binding on the parties, and that the UK complies with its international obligations. On the matters raised in relation to Chagos, the situation is in no way comparable.
Sir Julian Lewis (New Forest East) (Con)Conservative
May I strongly welcome all three Front-Bench statements on this vital matter? I would like to say, as someone who was politically active in 1982, that I well remember the failure of deterrence, which was partly fuelled by mass agitation for nuclear disarmament—an unrelated subject—at that time. Although the Minister says that there is no connection or parallel with the Chagos dispute, let me assure her that the signals that have been sent by the Government over Chagos are undermining of deterrence. Will she therefore make it crystal clear to Argentina now that any military action against the Falkland Islands will be met with an overwhelming military response?
I will be very clear to the right hon. Gentleman that we will do everything and anything it takes to protect the Falkland Islands. We have strong support for the nuclear deterrent. On the issue of the Chagos islands, I remind Members across the House that these situations are in no way comparable and bringing domestic politics into these matters does not help us. We have a united approach on how we deal with matters of the Falkland Islands, and we should go forward in that spirit.
Douglas Lumsden (Aberdeen South) (Con)Conservative
This question has been asked already, but I am still unclear about the process of consenting new drilling at the Falklands. Will the Minister tell us whether the Government have a role in consenting new drilling in the Falklands—yes or no?
I reiterate the answer I gave a few minutes ago: the issues to do with drilling in the Falkland Islands are a matter for the Government of the Falkland Islands, and they are in no way comparable to domestic licences.
Source: UK Parliament Hansard API. Debate ID: 5415311.