Contribution
My Lords, I welcome what the Secretary of State has described as
“child-centred legislation through and through”,—[Official Report, Commons, 8/1/25; col. 854.]
brought by a “truly child-centred Government”. The emphasis has been on the Bill’s contribution to the opportunity mission, but the well-being framing points also to the importance of action to improve children’s childhoods—children as beings as well as “becomings”. An holistic measure of child well-being could play a valuable role here.
The Bill promises to remove barriers to opportunities in schools through action on free breakfast clubs and school uniforms. There may be some debate on the details—for example, around the number of branded items permitted, whether breakfast clubs could be more flexible and why there is no action on free lunches—but broadly, these measures have been widely applauded in the context of the shocking level and depth of child poverty. Evidence from charities and teachers underlines how educational opportunity is stunted by hardship and hunger, which also damage children’s well-being. But as Action for Children and others emphasise, these measures can represent only a minor element in the much-anticipated child poverty strategy, which has to address family incomes directly, including investment in our tattered social security system, starting with abolition of the two-child limit and benefit cap, which are key drivers of the increase in child poverty.
What is disappointing is that this child-centred legislation makes no mention of children’s rights. My noble friend the Minister acknowledged, earlier this year, that
“we must consider children’s rights in all our policy-making”.—[Official Report, 27/1/25; col. 9.]
However, unlike in Wales, Scotland and Jersey, here, there is no general legal duty to do so, even though we have ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Organisations such as the Children’s Rights Alliance for England have argued that this matters because failing explicitly and systematically to consider children’s rights—including at the earlier stage of policy-making—means that laws and policies are not always developed with children’s unique needs and best interests in mind. Their voices are all too often not heard in policy-making and implementation processes.
As an aside, a children’s rights perspective also supports the case for equal protection for children from physical assault, where, again, we lag behind other nations. It reminds us that a concern for children’s well-being must include all children in the UK, including migrants and those seeking asylum.
I agree with the Children’s Rights Alliance for England that this child-centred Bill presents an invaluable opportunity genuinely to embed consideration of children’s rights into law and policy-making processes. While that would ideally be done through direct incorporation of the UN convention into UK law, as is the case in Scotland, significant steps could be taken in this Bill by following the examples of Wales and Jersey.
Therefore, I will table two amendments in Committee that will place a duty on Ministers to consider children’s rights when exercising their functions. They will be required to prepare and publish a children’s rights impact assessment of all relevant policies, legislation and decisions. These amendments have the support of over 100 organisations, which believe that the time is ripe for us to follow the lead of the devolved nations. They would strengthen the Bill by underpinning its ambition to promote children’s well-being and by adding teeth to the aim of
“child-centred action across Departments”,—[Official Report, Commons, 8/1/25; col. 854.]
which the Secretary of State for Education heralded as part of a mission-led Government. If we believe that children’s rights, as codified in the UN convention, are crucial to child-centred government, we must ask: if we do not legislate for them now, then when?