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Lord Mohammed of Tinsley (LD)

Speaking in the House of Lords on 4 February 2026

Debate

Medical Training (Prioritisation) Bill

Contribution

My Lords, I thank noble Lords across the Chamber for their contributions, and in particular the noble Lords, Lord Roe and Lord Duvall, for their fantastic maiden speeches. I look forward to working alongside both noble Lords in taking forward this and other Bills. I was particularly interested to hear about the journey that the noble Lord, Lord Duvall, took here; I also worked with young people in a youth centre, and I have military history on both my mum’s side and my dad’s side of the family, spanning the First World War and the Second World War—although I confess that my mum’s uncle was not really sure where he was when he came to Europe to fight in the First World War. I start by acknowledging, as my noble friend Lord Clement-Jones did, that I support the broad objectives of this legislation. As we have heard from other noble Lords, it is entirely reasonable for the United Kingdom to seek to ensure that our investment in medical education strengthens the NHS workforce and benefits patients here at home. Prioritising those who have trained and worked within our NHS is a legitimate aim. However, the way that principle is delivered matters greatly. My first concern relates to the breadth of ministerial discretion in the Bill. It has not been covered by others, but it is really important. As drafted, the Bill will allow future changes on prioritisation to be made with limited parliamentary oversight. Decisions about who is prioritised for medical training places are not just technical adjustments; they shape careers, determine workforce supply and directly affect patients. Such decisions should therefore be subject to proper scrutiny and democratic accountability. This House has a principal responsibility to ensure that powers of this significance are exercised transparently and proportionately. Many noble Lords have raised concerns about the timing of the Bill. As it makes its way through the legislative process, final-year students have seen their foundation training allocations paused. Thousands of graduates now face waiting until the last minute to discover where they will be working later this summer, potentially having to move across the country, as we have heard, with little notice. That uncertainty is deeply unsettling for graduates at the very start of their careers. As we have heard from many noble Lords, including the noble Earl, Lord Howe, and the noble Lord, Lord Patel, the intention to introduce new prioritisation rules part way through the 2026 specialty training cycle also risks causing real harm. More broadly, we must be clear-eyed about the workforce challenges and what this Bill can and cannot deliver. On its own, it will not resolve the problem, which is the critical shortage of training places, as we heard earlier. The noble Lord, Lord Stevens of Birmingham, talked about it as the bottleneck. Without a significant expansion in this, there is a real risk of this being only a partial fix. Indeed, in many respects, this feels like closing the stable door after the horse has bolted. In recent years, the number of domestic undergraduate medical school places has expanded, while at the same time the GMC has registered a large number of overseas graduates. Staff-grade jobs that were difficult to fill even five years ago are now inundated with applications, and the appetite among NHS employers to actively recruit candidates overseas has already disappeared. All of this sits against the background of a highly restrictive government cap on the number of medical and dental students that UK universities are permitted to train—caps to which international partners are not subject. Because of these constraints, medical schools have developed partnerships with overseas institutions and Governments to help cover the increasing cost of teaching UK students. Therefore, I ask the Government to reflect carefully on any unintended reputational damage the Bill may cause to UK’s medical education sector and to those international relationships, as we heard from the noble Baroness, Lady Hollins, and others. Malta has been mentioned, but I will not mention it further. My noble friend Lord Clement-Jones and the noble Baroness, Lady Gerada, both made that point forcefully. I want to mention the emails that we have had from Newcastle, but there are also other universities out there that have partnership arrangements with Malaysia in particular, and I just want to talk about Nottingham and Southampton. I know that, in the past, the university that I attended, the University of Sheffield, also had that working relationship where the first two years of the medical degree were done in Malaysia and then the students came across here. I am also concerned about the wider workforce consequences and shortages not confined to one area of medicine. Radiology has been mentioned, but mental health services and other specialties are already under intense strain, with evidence that professional bodies are linking workforce gaps directly to potential patient safety concerns, particularly in the cancer care area. Any reforms of training prioritisation must therefore be accompanied by a clear and ongoing assessment of their impact across specialties. At the same time, the Government are hastily implementing the Leng review without adequate consultation, which risks placing additional long-term pressures on resident doctors during their postgraduate training through an unanticipated reduction in the number of medical associate professionals supporting doctors in their clinical workloads. Finally, I wish to raise a fundamental question about the Government’s chosen mechanism for prioritisation. The Bill places significant weight on immigration status, as we have heard from other noble Lords, particularly indefinite leave to remain. I struggle to understand why this is the most appropriate or effective measure. The NHS, as we have heard, already has a robust system in place through the Oriel recruitment platform, which records where doctors have trained, how long they have worked in the NHS and their progression through the system. That data speaks directly to commitment, experience and contribution to our health service. Prioritising doctors on the basis of time worked in the NHS, clinical excellence and demonstrable service to patients would seem far more closely aligned to the Bill’s stated purpose than relying on immigration status, which, as we heard, with the recent changes potentially coming through as well, is shaped by factors beyond an individual’s control. Therefore, I urge the Government to explain why they have chosen this route and whether they have fully considered the unintended consequences for recruitment, retention and morale within the medical workforce. The Bill seeks to address real challenges and its objectives are worthy. I just want to pick up on the point that the noble Baroness, Lady Coffey, raised about the grouping of applicants from around the world in just one group. It is only right and proper that, if we are scrutinising the Bill, we see data that I am sure the NHS holds about the origin of some of those students. To succeed, the Bill has to be fair and transparent and firmly rooted in the realities of the NHS workforce. Above all, it must sit alongside a serious commitment to expand training and capacity. I hope that the Government will reflect carefully on the issues that we have raised in your Lordships’ Chamber tonight as the Bill progresses through the House.

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