Contribution
My Lords, as we come to the end of Report, I once again place on record my thanks to noble Lords on all sides of the House for their engagement with the passage of this Bill. Up to this point, we have had a very chummy time with a lot of cosy consensus, so noble Lords will be very pleased to know that I intend to introduce a note of disagreement on this amendment.
I begin by stating that I do not disagree with the premise of Amendment 30, in the names of the noble Lord, Lord Fox, and the Minister. Companies should ensure that they have good payment practices and that these are reported, and should be incentivised where necessary. I equally understand the reasoning behind giving the Small Business Commissioner the powers to both oversee and enforce the reporting of payment practices and performances. The office will have a closer knowledge of small business payment practices than regular departmental officials, so it makes sense that it is given this responsibility. The issue is therefore not one of principle but one of proportion.
Two other arms of the Government have the power to fine businesses based on global turnover rather than domestic turnover. They are the Competition and Markets Authority and the Information Commissioner’s Office. These bodies deal with some of the most important and wide-reaching areas of our economy: the former with the upkeep of fair and competitive markets, the latter with the protection of the public’s private information.
Those issues are far greater in scale and gravity than what Clause 24 and the new Section 3A will give the SBC—the Small Business Commissioner—powers over. These powers are not even dealing with payment practices; they are dealing with the reporting of payment practices. Yet the office will be able to fine companies 1%, without even the discretion to fine less than 1%, of global turnover. To His Majesty’s loyal Opposition, this seems disproportionate, to say the very least. We do not believe that this is the right vehicle to address the subject of the profit shifting that the noble Lord Fox mentioned.
One of the key concerns that we have heard from stakeholders during the passage of this Bill is that, while they support maximum payment terms, there will be a transition period to implement the technology and payment systems. This is particularly the case with large multinational corporations. These companies have incredibly complex systems that organise payments across borders, time zones and legal frameworks. It is not outside the realm of possibility that a business such as Amazon, for example, has some teething problems and fails to accurately report payment practices and performance within the UK.
The result would be that the commissioner, based on a failure to report practices within the United Kingdom, would have the power to fine Amazon based on its global turnover. That would equate to more than £700 million for a potential technological error or delay. I do not think that power reflects the duty that we are dealing with.
Lastly, there is the question of incentives. The Office of the Small Business Commissioner justifiably prides itself on saving more money for small businesses than it costs the taxpayer. If value for money is the justification for the office’s existence, its incentive is to use its powers to raise money in order to continue its operation. I am not accusing the SBC of this; I am simply reflecting on the perverse incentives that occur when an arm of government relies on action to justify its continued existence. I do not think, given these natural incentives exist, that we should give any arm of the state the power to tax multinational businesses based on their global turnover for actions within the United Kingdom. We should especially reflect on this when we are not even discussing payment practices; we are discussing the reporting of payment practices.
Given that this amendment has the support of the majority of the House, we will not oppose it, but I would like to place on record my, and indeed His Majesty’s loyal Opposition’s, concern about this measure. It would go some way to allaying my worries if the Minister could outline how many times a fine has been given under the existing Section 3, but I am still concerned that this is a disproportionate step that places far too much power in the hands of an ultimately unaccountable body. I look forward to the Minister’s response.